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December 8, 2000 [WSJ.com]

Wei Jingsheng Was Beaten Up

The Nov. 16 article on Wei Jingsheng ("Chinese Dissident Turns U.S Life Into a Jail of Sorts," Column One) is primarily a personal attack on Mr. Wei that entirely misses the point of his mission. Rather than focus on the important policy issues, it attempts to discredit Mr. Wei's fight to bring freedom to China on the grounds of his personal eccentricities.

It seems that while searching for reasons to cast Mr. Wei in a negative light, the article manages to oversimplify his position on United States-China trade relations. He has never suggested that the U.S. "cut off all trade with China entirely." Rather, in the interest of putting pressure on Beijing to reform its legal system and improve its abhorrent human rights record, Mr. Wei would prefer if the U.S. government maintained the tradition of putting U.S.-China trade relations up for annual review. For this reason he does not support granting China Permanent Normal Trade Relations status. The deterioration of the human-rights situation in China after the passing of PNTR gives credibility to Mr. Wei's unpopular stance on the issue.

Furthermore, although Mr. Wei's participation in the Democracy Wall Movement in Beijing in 1978 was touched upon, his pivotal role in the democracy movement was not mentioned. His most famous essay, "The Fifth Modernization: Democracy," not only spearheaded the movement in 1978, but also served as the inspiration for the protests in Tiananmen Square in 1989.

If Wei Jingsheng is living within an "isolation born of his own intolerance," he could not serve as president of the Overseas Democratic Chinese Coalition. Moreover, the differences in opinion that currently plague the Chinese democracy movement suggest that it is fundamentally democratic in nature. To overlook these facts and belittle a man who has spent his life fighting for the freedoms that most of us take for granted is to miss the point entirely.

Richard Long
Washington, D.C.

Trading Up

I read with interest Manjit Bhatia's article on bilateral trade pacts ("Lost Cause? Free Trade Two-Step," Editorial page, Nov. 14). In stating that free trade agreements "have the potential to undercut the relevance of multilateral groups like APEC" Mr. Bhatia appears to have misunderstood the fundamental role of such agreements in strengthening the multilateral process. While New Zealand retains as its top international trade priority the initiation of a new round of multilateral negotiations, it has taken the view that agreements (such as the recently signed Closer Economic Partnership with Singapore) constitute a building block in the multilateral process and add momentum to global liberalization efforts.

Discussions at the recent APEC Leaders' meeting in Brunei underlined that this sort of arrangement can be a very constructive way of making progress towards the Bogor goals. Indeed, bilateral and regional trading agreements among APEC members serve as a tangible expression of those members' intentions to comply with their APEC commitments. I think it is important to note that the initiative with Singapore first arose in the wings of last year's APEC summit in Auckland.

I would agree with Mr. Bhatia that poor quality trade agreements do risk undermining the multilateral trading system. There are currently too many so-called Free Trade Agreements that fall short by avoiding sensitive areas such as agriculture. Accordingly, New Zealand is interested in entering into discussions with its trading partners only where there is the possibility of negotiating high quality, comprehensive trade agreements -- think "WTO-plus," not "WTO-minus." In addition, such agreements should provide tangible reciprocal benefits for both parties.

Mr. Bhatia's analysis of APEC focuses almost entirely on its trade liberalization pillar, overlooking completely APEC's role in trade facilitation and its substantial and growing economic and technical cooperation agenda. APEC also undertakes a wide range of cooperative activities that provide a necessary complement to trade liberalization by boosting the capacity of APEC members to participate fully in the global economy and helping to spread the benefits of liberalization as widely as possible within economies. It also encourages the adoption of best practices in regulation, reforming legal systems, competition law, corporate governance and financial systems, to name but a few.

New Zealand remains committed to the multilateral liberalization process and the early launch of a new WTO round. We see the role of APEC as very important in achieving this aim, not only through promoting trade liberalization, but also through a host of other complementary activities that will help to break down other, less visible, barriers to trade in the region.

Hon. Jim Sutton
Minister for Trade Negotiations
Wellington, New Zealand


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